TNA spokesman says the alliance must pursue its goal of a dignified answer to the Tamil nationwide query and present higher financial lives to folks .
Sri Lanka’s Tamil National Alliance (TNA), that mainly represented the Tamils residing in the north and east in the post-war decade, suffered an enormous setback in the August normal elections, dropping six seats in Parliament. With the Alliance’s presence in the legislature having weakened and the Rajapaksas again in energy at the Centre, that too with a thumping two-thirds, what are the prospects for TNA’s long-standing demand for a political answer? Alliance spokesman and Jaffna MP M.A. Sumanthiran weighs in…
The TNA has suffered an enormous setback in the August parliamentary elections, and has ceded floor to each, hard-line Tamil nationalists and allies of the Rajapaksa authorities. What are the Alliance’s reflections?
It is a really severe setback. We have been diminished from 16 to 10 seats in parliament. This isn’t very completely different to the native authority election outcomes of February 2018.
One of the main causes is that we supported the [Sirisena-Wickremesinghe] authorities in workplace from 2015 to 2019. The expectations of the folks had been very excessive then. They hoped that every one their issues will likely be totally resolved throughout that interval. Although there was substantial progress in most issues, all the points [pending since the war ended] weren’t totally resolved. I feel there was lots of disappointment over that truth.
Even the political answer, which is a historic demand of the Tamil folks, didn’t materialise by the use of a brand new structure that was promised. We made nice progress on that entrance too, however lastly the query is whether or not it was achieved or not. When it was not achieved, it was counted as a failure. In regard to the launch of military-held lands, there have been appreciable good points. But general, since the expectations weren’t met, we additionally suffered an anti-incumbency sentiment, though we sat in opposition proper via that point.
Secondly, our celebration has been primarily, or one might say solely, searching for a political answer. We have been disregarding lots of financial points confronted by our folks. In that final 5 years we did attempt to tackle a few of these financial points, as a result of the authorities in workplace was beneficial to us, but the folks didn’t really see the advantages realised. With the political answer additionally evading us, individuals who hoped that not less than their financial lot can be made higher had been dissatisfied. There could also be different causes additionally, however I feel primarily these are the two causes that designate why we ceded floor on each side – the hard-line Tamil nationalist aspect, who’re searching for a closing answer to the Tamil nationwide query, and to authorities allies, who appealed to a few of the folks searching for higher financial prospects.
Going ahead what is going to the TNA do?
Well, the TNA must pursue its goal of a dignified answer to the Tamil nationwide query. That is key. Our efforts in that space must proceed and I feel folks must realise that in democratic area like what we’ve now, with a preponderant majority in the nation being Sinhalese and Buddhists, for an answer to emerge, we must win over not less than a sizeable part of the majority neighborhood. Without that, it’s not achievable. Certainly not achievable if we maintain antagonising them and heightening their personal fears. That is one.
The different is, whilst a political celebration we’d like to become involved in offering higher financial lives for our folks. If the authorities isn’t cooperative in that regard, then I feel we must not less than facilitate job alternatives, improve financial exercise and so on via participation by our diaspora neighborhood. And for that we’ll have to arrange sure buildings that can really make a distinction on the floor.
What about justice questions?
The justice query is linked to the political answer. Questions of justice and accountability arose due to the ethnic battle. Whenever we requested for our respectable political rights that’s once we suffered violence. So the entire wrestle for political rights itself turned violent and then ended up in a full-scale conflict as they name it right here now.
The processes in the UN Human Rights Council for justice took the type of transitional justice, wherein you could have fact, justice, reparations and the assure of non-recurrence. In 2015, the Sri Lankan authorities provided a political answer by the use of a brand new structure as the assure of non-recurrence. All the different pillars of transitional justice are additionally vital, and we’ve been pursuing these as properly. But finally, it must end in a everlasting answer to the root explanation for the battle. Sometimes, it’s higher to resolve the root explanation for the issues first and then have a look at the justice points that had come up in the interim. This is one thing we learnt in South Africa. To safe the future earlier than the past. I feel that’s the extra wise means of addressing these points. Our pursuit of a political answer taking main place in our political agenda is due to that issue.
Both the 19th Amendment that the TNA backed and fiercely defended, and the 13th Amendment that you’ve got sought to construct upon, have come underneath risk. How will this influence nationwide politics and Tamil pursuits particularly?
The current authorities, in making an attempt to get again to workplace after struggling defeat in 2015, appealed to slim communal forces amongst the majority neighborhood, igniting fears about others who’re numerically in the minority.
Unfortunately, this can be a political sport that’s typically resorted to by politicians of the majority [Sinhalese] neighborhood. The failure on the a part of the earlier authorities between 2015 and 2019 to ship on its guarantees, significantly in reaching reconciliation inside a united nation not solely affected the confidence of the Tamil folks but in addition that of the Sinhala majority.
So, they [Rajapaksas] had been in a position to really come again to energy with the assist of a extra vociferous, hard-line Sinhala opinion, which needed to assert the dominance of the Sihala-Buddhist folks over the others who stay in the nation. Naturally, having come to energy the authorities is now in search of to appease these forces and ship their promise to their core constituency. In doing that, they’ve promised a brand new structure, however as a direct supply they introduced ahead the 20th Amendment Bill to present that the President, or the Executive, will likely be a powerful Sinhala-Buddhist ruler who will maintain all people else in the nation in verify and guarantee that the rights and security of the majority neighborhood will likely be ensured.
The 20th Amendment seeks to return to the pre-19th Amendment scenario, the place you could have an excellent highly effective Executive President with unparalleled powers wherever else in the world, with none actual checks and balances. But that appears to have triggered concern even amongst their personal supporters who both suppose that these powers in the fingers of the present incumbent itself is extreme or that one other president later in the future will abuse these powers. So, the first try by the authorities in exhibiting their core constituency that they’re delivering on their promise appears to have run into bother.
Moreover, there’s a context to the nation wanting to abolish govt presidency, and the majority Sinhalese neighborhood repeatedly giving that mandate for over 1 / 4 of a century. That is as a result of, repeatedly, the nation has witnessed abuse by those that come to that workplace. And that abuse impacts not solely minority communities, but in addition the majority neighborhood. Memories of that abuse of unbridled powers vested in the govt presidency is a one which cautions folks in the south as properly. That is the motive why, though this authorities was apparently given the mandate to take away the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, when the draft 20th Amendment got here, even those that had provided that mandate have turn out to be sceptical. They don’t need to give that form of powers to one individual.
This time too the mandate given to the Rajapaksas isn’t any completely different from the southern voters’ repeated mandates, not less than from 1994, to abolish govt presidency. It is extra to do with the working association between the President and Prime Minister, and folks being instructed that incidents like Easter bombings had been doable as a result of the standoff between the President and the Prime Minister, and that the 19th Amendment was liable for it. But there was no mandate from the folks to revest in the President the powers in govt presidency prior to the 19th Amendment.
As for the 13th Amendment, though the Provincial Councils had been arrange in 1987 as an answer to the Tamil nationwide query, it didn’t fulfill the Tamil aspect for one, who constantly claimed it’s inadequate and not significant sharing of powers. But it has additionally contributed to accentuating the fears of the majority neighborhood by propaganda that strengthening the provincial councils will end in the secession of the nation. While the Tamil aspect has been clamouring for extra powers to the provinces, so that energy sharing be significant, hardliners amongst the Sinhalese have been resisting that, claiming that it’s going to lead to a division of the nation. That too finds a resonance inside the core constituency of the present authorities — that worry, that any strengthening of the provincial councils will end in the nation dividing. In order to assuage the emotions of that constituency, we’re seeing rhetoric from the authorities aspect that they may maintain that underneath management both by eradicating the provincial council system in its entirety or not less than by lowering its powers.
The draft 20th Amendment might tackle these fears as properly. Sinhala folks imagine that if there’s sturdy President, then any try to divide the nation can really be handled by that President, as opposed a weak Executive, not having the ability to forestall any fissures in the nation.
How does that designate the repeated mandates in the south for the abolition of govt presidency?
The name for abolition of the Executive Presidency comes from these extreme powers which are given to the President. People have been constant in that place. What I mentioned about the authorities’s core constituency is that if there are fears that come up in regard to the nation going through a break up, then they fall again on Executive Presidency to have the option to management that.
Even in our negotiations in our final 5 years, to strengthen the provincial councils, coupled with the abolition of Executive Presidency, there was one space of the Executive Presidency that was retained and that was in relation to the President’s energy over the provincial councils. We additionally ceded that as a “comfort factor” to assuage the fears of the majority that in some way one, central energy was needed to forestall any try by a province to secede.
The TNA additionally confronted criticism for having backed the former authorities when it postponed elections to the provincial councils.
The TNA didn’t work to postpone the provincial council elections. What we had been engaged in was the enactment of a brand new structure, with extra powers to the provinces. That effort to enact a brand new structure had three main areas – devolution, a brand new electoral system and the abolition of Executive Presidency. When we had to agree on an electoral system, a Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system was agreed upon. It was determined that there needs to be one system in any respect three tiers – at parliament, provincial and native authorities ranges. That is why even earlier than the structure was enacted, the system that was agreed upon in the Constitutional Assembly deliberations was introduced into the native authorities electoral system, and native authorities elections had been held underneath that system.
The expectation was that in the new Constitution, Parliament and provincial council polls will even be modified to MMP. That was the motive for the delay in holding the provincial council elections. It was as a result of the delimitation course of that was carried out for the provinces was rejected by parliament. If we had succeeded in enacting the new structure, a uniform election system would have been applied in any respect three ranges and provincial council elections would have been held. Unfortunately, the new structure didn’t materialise. That is why the provincial council elections had bought postponed. Our expectation was that the new provincial councils, rising out of the new structure, will likely be extra highly effective and more practical and significant in exercising devolved powers.
As you talked about, the lately elected Rajapaksa authorities has promised a brand new structure. When President Mahinda Rajapaksa was in workplace [between 2005 and 2015], the TNA had 18 rounds of talks together with his authorities in regard to a political answer, however a consensus couldn’t be reached. Then, with the successor authorities too you engaged on a brand new structure, however it didn’t materialise. Given your experiences with the two governments, what’s the scope for engagement with the Rajapaksas and the actual prospects for a political answer?
The Rajapaksas, once they had been in workplace beforehand, earlier than the finish of the conflict in addition to after the conflict ended, had repeatedly assured the world that there will likely be a correct settlement of the Tamil query on this nation. Before the finish of the conflict, they assured India, the West, and at one level, the co-chairs, the US, EU, Norway and Japan, that when the LTTE is defeated there can be a correct answer on the traces of what was beneficial by the All Party Representative committee and its consultants’ committee.
Now we’ve stories of each, the APRC, in addition to the consultants’ committee. Those present for a extra significant devolution of powers. That is the path wherein the Rajapaksa regime assured the world that they may settle the Tamil nationwide query.
After the conflict ended, assuring India not less than thrice, the Rajapaksa authorities agreed to implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution in full and additionally construct upon it in order to obtain significant devolution. The promise was once more in the path of higher devolution. Now, once more a Rajapaksa regime in search of to give the nation a brand new Constitution can not neglect these repeated assurances given to the world at giant, in very particular phrases, and attempt to journey in the other way. They must essentially take that historic context, very current historic context, into consideration and ship on their promise.
We, on our half, will cooperate totally as we did with them in 2011, once we had 18 rounds of talks, and as we did later with the different authorities for about three years in the constitutional meeting course of. We will proceed to constructively interact in the processes. Even in the 2015 to 2018 course of, the Rajapaksa camp which was represented in parliament as the UPFA agreed to higher devolution via their representatives in the steering committee and in the varied sub committees. There was a large amount of consensus on the query of devolution. The disagreements had been principally in regard to govt presidency and the electoral system. But in regard to devolution there was an important measure of consensus. So, whereas they had been in workplace and whereas they had been out of workplace, that they had taken a selected stand and we count on that stand to proceed into the new structure making course of as properly.
You pointed to the Rajapaksas’ core constituency fearing secession when provincial councils are strengthened. You additionally spoke of the want to win over the southern folks. How do you suppose this may be achieved when there’s heightened suspicion round devolution?
The means the TNA addressed these points in the final 10 years, after the conflict ended, is to repeatedly guarantee the folks in the south that the answer will likely be inside a united, undivided nation. In the constitutional meeting course of, we even prompt that the phrase ‘indivisible’ be included in the description of the State. Secondly, we ourselves have requested that the new structure be authorised by the Sri Lankan folks at a referendum, which means thereby that we don’t need to do something behind their backs. And that the majority neighborhood needs to be comfy with and agreeable to the phrases of the new Constitution. That clear method we predict will win over the Sinhalese folks. Progressive forces amongst them too must give them the confidence and assurance that such a compact will proceed to stay.
On TNA’s marketing campaign path forward of the August normal elections, many candidates – some are actually MPs – invoked India whereas referring to the pending political answer. Given that the Rajapaksas are driving an enormous mandate, what do you suppose India or the worldwide neighborhood can do given their different issues, together with geopolitical issues?
Sri Lanka is bodily an island, however metaphorically no nation might be an island. In as we speak’s world, we must all stay adhering to sure common values and respect one another’s issues. Sri Lanka’s overseas relations have all the time been conscious of that.
As its closest neighbour, India’s issues over political stability on this island is one thing that every one Sri Lankans respect and worth very a lot. So that’s the reason in 1983, when PM Indira Gandhi provided her good places of work, that was gratefully accepted by the Sri Lankan authorities. And that [sentiment] continues to date.
The battle on this island has had its influence on India as properly, with over 1 lakh refugees having to be sheltered in India for 3 many years of conflict. It is foolhardy to say that conflicts on this island haven’t any bearing on India or different international locations in the world for that matter.
That is why successive Sri Lankan governments engaged with India and the remainder of the worldwide neighborhood and gave these assurances in the past. To that extent, India’s persevering with good places of work will likely be needed and will likely be appreciated by all events in lastly resolving this battle.
Engagement with the remainder of the worldwide neighborhood can be vital. Recently, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has sounded a warning at the opening session at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva and has highlighted the try to move the 20th Amendment and how which may negatively influence the rights and freedoms, and reconciliation on this nation. Those legitimate issues must be significantly taken on board and addressed by the authorities.